Globalization and heritage revival in the Gulf: An anthropological look at Dubai Heritage Village more

|-T..T ^juji. I \\ iJ | Vfl jlic* Jle iWfK J^>l j-JJI, j&Jj, Sjyd! vj^Jl «J«AI ! ufjfcJJ oUU> Jj^i j i^i^fcil) •Uoill oLkll fUis_l ^ji . .i J; K 1 I ! •! i £ Sulayman Khalaf I j University of Sharjah Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village William Granara I Harvard University Extensio Animae: The Artful Ways of Remembering "Al-Andalus" Kathryn Dobie I Norih Carolina A&T State University James Grant I Ameritan University of Sharjah Michael KnudStmp i I American University of Sharjah Attitudes and Perceptions of the Role of Wasta in the Professional Life of Gulf Residents nJJ $ *OU^ W VWVI j VlS* pUL ^ 15^ ij* iU U a,U . IomU 4W *j> - i*W* W Mivm •utU . mwttv ^ _ m« ■ w» [it *. i it Journal of Social Affairs Volume 19 Number 75 Fall 2002 Slilayman Khalaf I University of Sharjah Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village William Granara I Harvard University Extensio Animae: The Artful Ways of Remembering "Al-Andalus" Kathryn Dobie I North Carolina A&T State University JameS Grant I American University of Sharjah Michael KnudStrup I American University of Sharjah Attitudes and Perceptions of the Role of Wasta in the Professional Life of Gulf Residents Jit isjm* jfri Vfci" *W ioll* jJU> J jUI jyJi oUU. Jj-i !j Willi oUiil fUeJ > A Refereed Quarterly Journal Published by the Sociological Association of the UAE and the American University of Sharjah P.O.Box: 26666 Fax: (971-6) 5585066 E-mail: nmourtada-JSA@aus.ac.ae .Globalization..arid.Heritage.Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village Sulayman Khalaf * "Welcome ...you are at the bosom of the heritage village to sniff the scent of the genuine patrimony of the UAE. Wishing you a pleasant time" Written on a large mural poster at the gate of Abu Dhabi Heritage Village, opened in May 2001 Viewed within the contexts of oil-propelled, globally driven, fast paced cultural change, the Gulf societies are becoming increasingly concerned with the preservation and invention of national cultures. In the UAE this national concern is currently translated into the expanding phenomenon referred to locally as heritage revival (ihya al-turath). Invented cultural traditions, new heritage institutions such as historical villages and museums, cultural festivals like camel racing and pearl-diving, renovation of historic buildings as well as support for expressive folk culture, constitute an expa?iding national heritage industry. This paper provides an ethnographic description and comparative ethnological analysis of Dubai Heritage Village in the UAE as a case study to illustrate a cultural process occurring within the wider Gulf. The reconstructed culture in this lieritage village represents an ethnographic window to explore how local/global variables, elements and agents enmesh and juxtapose in their interplay to produce old/new culture as an essential ingredient for imagining political community. The constructed culture of Dubai Heritage Village is analyzed within the contexts of oil economy, rapid modernization, nation- building, globalization and increasing multicidturalism} • Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Sharjah, UAE 1. A preliminary draft of this paper was presented at a conference on "Globalization and the Gulf," Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, Exeter University. 2-4 July 2001. Journal of Social .Affairs | Volume 19, Number 75, Fall 2002 Sulayman Khaiat The ongoing process of heritage revival (ihya' al turath) in the oil-rich Arab Gulf as a national cultural and ideological enterprise is not a negation of globalization, but rather an affirmation of it." Since globalization threatens indigenous cultures, a national cultural revival gains credible rationale, as well as particular symbolic meaning and ideological capital. Equally important, this national revival fosters politico-cultural support that generates its continuous production. Over the last five decades oil, the global commodity par excellence has integrated the economies, societies, polities and cultures of the Gulf within the global network in forceful ways. As a process, globalization manifests itself within the oil-rich Arab Gulf societies in interconnected ethnoscapes, technoscapes, financescapes, mediascapes, idioscapes as well as servicescapes and militaryscapes. These "scapes" represent dynamic forces that have generated profound changes in post-oil Gulf society and culture. Citizens of the Gulf readily acknowledge that globalization has accelerated modernization of their traditional societies, built the oil-welfare state and allowed them to attain the consumer-based 141 r. o "good life." Yet this same globalization process, and here lies the dialectical paradox, is perceived as threatening to their authentic (asil) local Arab cultural identity. Therefore, nationals of the Gulf express generalized ambivalence toward this globalization of their culture, and voice both content and discontent with globalization. With the speed of such oil-propelled, globally driven cultural change the leaders are becoming increasingly concerned with the preservation of their threatened national cultures. In the UAE this national concern translates into an expanding phenomenon of heritage revival {ihya al- turath). Invented cultural traditions, newly built heritage institutions, such as heritage villages and museums, cultural festivals like annual camel racing and commemoration of pearl diving, renovation of old historic buildings, as well as support for expressive folk and popular culture constitute an expanding national heritage industry. This study uses the Dubai Heritage Village in the United Arab Emirates as an ethnographic case to illustrate a cultural process occurring within the 2. Ronald Robertson, "Mapping the Global Condition: Globalization as the Central Concept," in M. Featherstone (ed.) Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity (London: Sage, 1990), pp. 15-30. Globalization and Heritage Revival in me Gulf: An Anthmpolo«;K\il Look at Dubai Heritage Village wider Gulf. The revived and constructed culture displayed in the Dubai Heritage Village is documented and analyzed as an invented tradition within the contexts of globalization and other sub-processes such as oil economy, rapid modernization, nation-building, and increasing multicul- turalism. The Global and the Local: a Theoretical Note The rapid social change in the Gulf cannot be explained outside the dynamics generated by new oil wealth and the larger globalization processes. The flow of oil as a vital and strategic global energy resource on a large commercial scale has intensified the economic integration of the Gulf region within the global network in ways unparalleled in other Middle Eastern countries. The rapid accumulation of oil wealth in the coffers of new oil-Gulf states has also empowered these societies to embark on a highly accelerated modernization. The rapid integration of post-oil Gulf societies within the global system is evident in the flows of strategic resources such as oil, migrant workers, technological know-how, 15 | r. t finance and other globally oriented corporate services. The once small traditional societies are now transformed beyond recognition. In explaining transformation of Gulf societies, globalization theory goes beyond inadequacies and limitations frequently leveled against materialist theoretical perspectives that emphasize unequal economic exchange. According to Albrow, "globalization refers to all those processes by which the people of the world are incorporated into a single world society/ a global society." Globalization is not only an economic phenomenon, and is best viewed as multiple processes occurring simultaneously. Accordingly, 3. Field work research for this paper was undertaken intermittently from 19% to 2001. However, more intensive research was conducted during 2001 at the Dubai Heritage Village. 1 am grateful to many informants in the DHV, and in other heritage-related institutions, who generously cooperated in facilitating my research. I would especially like to acknowledge Abdullah Hamdan bin Oalmouk, the Director of DHV. for his time and willingness to accomplish this research. • My thanks and appreciation go to the two anonymous reviewers for their detailed and constructive comments which facilitated my revision of this paper. 4. Cited in )an N Pieterse. "Globalization as Hybridization," in M. Featherstone. S. Lash and Roland Robertson (eds.) Global Modernities (London: Sage, 1995), p. 45. SuJavman Khalat Pieterse writes that "globalization may be understood in terms of an open- ended synthesis of several disciplinary approaches."3 Appadurai operationalizes the multiple processes of globalization in what he terms "disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy " He identifies five processes, or 'global cultural flows' which he labeled "ethnoscapes, technoscapes, financescapes, mediascapes, and idioscapes."6 Appadurai further elaborates: the suffix -scape allows us to point to the fluid, irregular shapes of these landscapes, shapes that characterize international capital as deeply as they do international clothing styles. These terms with common suffix-scape also indicate that these are not objectively given relations that look the same from every angle of vision but rather, that they are deeply perspectival constructs, inflicted by the historical, linguistic and political siruatedness of different sorts of actors: nation-states, multinationals, diasporic communities, as well as subnational groupings and movements...and even intimate face-to-face groups such as villages, neighborhoods, and families.7 i6| r.r hi global cultural flows "people, machinery, money, images and ideas" now follow increasingly different paths, travel with different speeds, and are viewed by local cultures and agents with different attitudes. Thus, they receive different reactions from peoples and cultural communities across the world.8 Globalization, as advanced by Pieterse, also means increasing "cultural hybridity" and "global milange," and according to Robertson combines both the global and the local. It also refers to "space-time compression."9 It both widens and deepens our "imagined worlds" as well as the cultural global flow of the five scapes Appadurai identified as constituents of the global scene. Yet models of globalization are relevant only when the macro processes are contextualized within the particularities of local society and culture. 5. Ibid p. 45. 6. Arjuri Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998). p. 33. 7. Ibid., p. 33. 8. Ibid., p. 37. 9. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell. 1989). Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village While some argue that globalization is antithetical to the nation-state and ultimately will weaken the state as it loses much of its traditional roles, this is not the case of the oil-rich Gulf states. On the contrary, the new material economy supports traditional and redefined structures of these oil nation-states that also reside in the new global condition. The particularities of the emerging Gulf oil-states are control of the national society's wealth, control of national development and also the benevolent patronizing of citizens while at the same time they are enmeshed within the world global system. Globalization has actually enhanced the power and hegemony of the state. Moreover, the Gulf oil state, contrary to the expected globalization trend, continues to assume wider and greater roles rather than withering. This relates to the economic-political and social particularities that operate at multiple levels. The ongoing global cultural flows are quite visible in contemporary Gulf societies. If we, for example, pull away the global constituents of ethnoscapes in Kuwait or the UAE, the present society in its current form would collapse. Soon after liberation of Kuwait in 1991 global corporations, agencies and migrant laborers were invited back in large force. 17 | r. r Gulf society as an emerging structure differs in marked ways from both developed capitalist societies or those of the developing Third World.10 Gulf society exemplifies the "dual characteristics of rapid economic modernization, yet remaining traditional in the politico-legal and cultural dimensions."11 These two dominant features affect how people react to the various forces of globalization. More importantly, this dual characteristic affects how the society reproduces its own heritage and other cultural institutions that shape what Lofgren calls "the cultural praxis of national identity formation."12 The interplay between the local particularities and global forces represent fluid dynamic "contexts" within which cultural institutions, such as heritage villages, are produced and reproduced, invented and reinvented. 10. Sulayman Khalaf. "Gulf Societies and the Image of Unlimited Good," Dialectical Anthropology, 17:1 (1992), pp. 225-243. 11. Sulayman Khalaf and Saad Alkobaisi "Migrants Strategies of Coping and Patterns of Accommodation in the Oil-rich Gulf Societies: Evidence from the UAE." British journal of Middle Eastern Studies. 262 (1999), p. 274. 12. Quoted in Robert Foster, "Making National Cultures in the Global Ecumene." Annual Reviews of Anthropology, 20 (1991), p. 238. siil.n m.in Khabf Accelerated Social Change in the Gulf Pre-oil Arab Gulf countries were sparsely populated, inhabited by small pearling, trading and herding communities, which were only lightly urbanized and mostly poor. This general picture changed very fast as petro-dollars began pouring in the various Gulf States during different decades of the second half of the twentieth century. In her description of this profound urbanization in the oil-rich Gulf, Abu-Lughod wrote, "Seldom has the world seen a more striking in situ experiment of instant urbanization and hot-house forced social change."1"1 In the UAE, as my case in point, some of the most modem cities in the world, notably Abu Dhabi, Dubai and Sharjah, have been built almost in their entirety during the last three decades. The once small towns of mud- wall construction were forced to burst out of their old shells. Commercial districts lie near ports and the suburbs have expanded in the desert, where residents enjoy air-conditioned spacious villas, staffed with servants and maids, expensive cars and a consumer existence with the latest furniture styles and fashions. English is the general language spoken widely now in the UAE. This atomized, car-dependent growth of the Gulf cities into the desert has uprooted the natives away from their traditional intimate sea- oriented neighborhoods within sight of the sea only one generation ago. It created a rupture in the local life partem and their historical memory of their social self. Thus, the nostalgia for the sea and the old mud-walled, tightly-nucleated neighborhood has greatly intensified. The rapid transfor- mations—economic, demographic, political and socio-cultural-have generated the need to preserve and display the past. The past is so recent in the Gulf that it has a real and living effect on the present. There was no need for museums until a few years ago, as anything which might have been put on display was in daily use in people's homes or work places and the whole point of museums is to show foreign cultures or past glories. Now all that is changing, the old ways are dying out, the memories are dimming, the old men who knew it all are disappearing. The time has come to catch the fleeting 13. J. Abu-Lughod. "Urbanization and Social Change in the Arab World," Elastics, 50300 (1983). pp. 227-8. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village past before it fades, so that museums are being founded, books written, scenes painted. As the Gulf societies are becoming increasingly enmeshed within the global system, there are expressions both of contentment with the achievement of the rapid development of material life and also increasing discontent about the potential loss of cultural identity- For example, in the UAE the new globalized lifeways are perceived as a serious threat to Emirati traditional national identity. Regarding the "ethnoscape," the nationals have become a minority in their own homeland, constituting less than 20% of the total population.15 They are now overwhelmed by a huge immigrant workforce. According to current unofficial sources, the projected population of the UAE will reach 5 million in the year 2005 with the nationals constituting a much lesser percentage than at present. Daily newspaper articles express that the nationals fear their own culture and welfare are now under siege. They also perceive that new social problems and malaise have been brought about by migrants.16 The new unbalanced population carries gloomy warnings for the future of an Emirati homeland. One is the loss of identity (fuqdan al-haweyyah), so that the Emirati culture is now global (hatha balad alami)}7 Dubai Heritage Village As a case in point of how to manage both a global and local identity, I analyze now how Dubai Heritage Village (DHV) is constructed as a living museum in which cultural representations and displays are organized, thematized and presented to viewers as discourses of Emirati national 14. John Bullock. The Gulf. A Portrait of Kuwait, Qatar. Bahrain and the UAE (London: Century Publishing.1984), p. 139. 15. M. Al-Mansour, "Population and Urbanization in the United Arab Emirates" Emirates Society (Al- Ain. UAE: UAE University Publications. 1996), pp. 168-189 (in Arabicl and Frauka Heard-Bey, "Labour Migration and Culture: The Impact of Immigration on the Culture of the Arab Societies of the Gulf," paper presented at BR1SMES Conference. Oxford. July 1997. 16. Mohammad Al-Mur, National Aspirations (Shanah. UAE: Dar Al Khaleej Publications, 1999, in Arabic), Mohammad Al-Mutawa', "The Image of Immigrants Through the Emirates' Press," journal of the Social Sciences (Kuwait), 25:3 (1997), pp. 127-142 (in Arabic), and Mater Juma'a, "Will the Latest Decisions Help in Solving the Population Composition?" Al Khaleej. 18 June 2001, p. 15. 17. Al-Mur, National Aspirations, p. 9. Sulayman Khalaf culture. Viewed this way, DHV is a cultural complex of invented traditions, that is, a historically revived heritage in the form of an outdoor museum. This material and behavioral discourse (with both elderly and young Emiratis performing in traditional costumes) provides an ethnographic window through which we can explore analytically how local/global variables, elements, and agents are enmeshed and juxtaposed in their total interplay to reinvent and produce old culture as requisite for an imagined (political) community in Anderson's18 sense of a created nationalism with an imagined past. Modern Emirati national culture is historically recreated to provide a sense of identity for their imagined national community. Historical recreation involves, among other things, the invention of traditions. Invented tradition means a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seeks to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past. In fact, where possible they normally attempt to establish continuity with a suitable historic past. The need for the invention of traditions, as conceptualized by Hobsbawm, occurs more frequently when rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social and economic patterns for which old traditions have been designed. This process also occurs when such old traditions and their institutions are not sufficiently adaptable and flexible within the newly emerging societal context. Dubai Heritage Village was founded in 1996 by the EHibai Society for Heritage Revival and the Emirates Society for Pearl Diving. It is located in the heart of old Dubai in the Shindagha neighborhood along the northern shore of Dubai Creek. It stretches for about 400 meters in a prime waterfront setting, particularly visible by sight-seeing cruises along the Creek: a privileged location giving it a beautiful promenade waterfront. The Creek divides Dubai city almost in the middle; it varies in width from 18. Benedict Anderson. Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1991). 19. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.), Tlie Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 1. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village 200 to 400 meters, and is about ten kilometers in length. At the back of the Village runs a busy highway leading to the Shindagha Tunnel. The Village had a modest start with few areesh houses built out of woven palm tree branches. In 1997 the ruler of Dubai, Shaikh Maktoum Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, decreed the building of a traditional village of local design and material. While it took only three months to complete construction, some restoration of nearby historical buildings still continues. Also, the building of additional structures and improvement of facilities in the Village have been continuous since it was founded. The complex consist of two parts: the Heritage Village (al qarya al turatheyya) and the Pearling Village (qaryat al ghous). Adjacent is the original mud- walled compound of the Shaikh Rashid Al Maktoum family, with its four wind towers. The Village replicates a quarter (free}) of old Dubai as well as houses of the mountain communities of Ras Al-Khaimah and the Bedouin (Bedu) of the desert, twenty shops, four exhibition halls, an outdoor theater with stage, a traditional food section and several empty courtyards for folklore troupe performances. The Diving Village also has a theater in its middle courtyard and a 211 m permanent diving exhibition in the form of painted murals, photographs and diving gear, as well as eight shops, a traditional food restaurant and a dozen or so miniature pearling boats placed in different locations. A large empty space overlooking the Creek is usually used for folklore performances. It is signified by a sail thirty meters high, which is raised during major festivals. The complex also has four restored mosques. Finally, as modem amenities for tourists, there are three restaurants and numerous food stalls. The Village also has parking for about 1500 cars. The Dubai government decided in 1997 to switch the Village away from under the administrative auspices of the Dubai Municipality to the Dubai Department of Tourism and Commerce Marketing (DTCM). This is headed by Shaikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, the Crown Prince of Dubai Emirate and the UAE Minister of Defense, who is a dynamic developer of Dubai as a city of global commerce and business. He is equally known for his love for the Emirates national heritage and its preservation. The DTCM vision aims to make the Dubai Heritage Village a leading tourist attraction in the UAE and the wider Gulf as well. It is anticipated that this will, in rum, stimulate travel, shopping and promote Sulavman Khalaf Map above shows the location of DHV on the Northern side of Dubai Creek 22 T5V Map shows location of the Heritage Village (A) and the Diving Village (B) on the large Shindagha Conservation Project Globalization and Heritage Revival ir\ the Gulf; An Anthropological look at Dubai Heritage Village Dubai's growing tourism industry. This new outlook toward marrying heritage and tourism called for a new administration staff, which was put in place in 1997. However, the old heritage and pearl diving societies remained to work under the new administrative organization. The enhanced functions of DHV were launched during the National Day celebrations of 2nc^ of December 1997, when the inaugural cultural events were performed in the newly constructed theater. The celebrations were modest compared to today's large festive spectacles; they were confined to folklore performance troupes, children's competitions and the display of traditional hospitality, such as offering visitors traditional coffee and dates, and perfuming their clothes by incense burning. By 1998 the Village transformed its identity from simply a neighborhood of preserved historical buildings and replicas of old Dubai into a 'living museum' (mathaf hey) in which Emirari history is recreated, performed and displayed by living actors. The new mission was given its first expression in two events, in December 1998 National Day celebrations and again in March, accompanying the month-long Dubai Shopping Festival. These are now established as invented local/global 23 | mi traditions attracting tens of thousands of visitors daily, thus promoting Dubai city as the Gulf's shopping paradise. Performative celebrations are enacted in the village with the same enthusiasm and elaborate rituals during the two religious holidays of Eid El Fitr, at the end of Ramadan, and Eid Al Adha, to celebrate the end of al haj (pilgrimage) to Mecca. For the Dubai Shopping Festivals of 1999 and 2000, DHV provided month-long cultural performances, which made it the most popular entertainment venue in the city. Unlike most heritage villages or theme parks in the West, DHV does not charge an entry fee. It is an open-door museum for everyone, nationals and non-nationals alike. About 40-50,000 visitors came to it every day during the two Shopping Festivals. National Day (Al Eid al-Watani) and the two religious holidays (Eid El-Fitr and Eid al-Adha) brought in even larger crowds. In constructing the traditional way of life, designers, architects and heritage curators selected what was to constitute authenticity, along with particular replicas, stage sets, ethnological objects, and actors. The question of selectivity responds to limitations to bring a whole history on stage. Thus when we reconstruct culture we are bound to make Sulavman Khalal fragments, and display fragments. "The artfulness of the ethnographic object is an art of excision, of detachment, an art of excerpt."20 Accordingly, we assess the instillation of "ethnographic fragments" in reconstructing museum cultures. The DHV uses the "in situ" approach in its art of installing and displaying Emirati traditions and culture. According to Kirshenblatt- Gimblett, the "in situ" approach entails metonymy and mimesis. The art of mimesis, whether in the form of period rooms, ethnographic villages, recreated environments, reenacted rituals, or photomurals places objects, or replicas of them, in situ. In 'in situ' approaches the instillation enlarges the ethnographic object by expanding its boundaries to include more of what was left behind, even if only in replica. In situ approaches tend toward environmental and recreative displays. At their most mimetic, 'in situ' instillations include live persons, preferably actual representatives of the cultures on display. The "in-context" approach to installation is minimally used in DHV. These establish a theoretical frame, a perspective for viewers. They offer explanations, guidance and historical background on excavation, collection, ownership of artifacts, and conservation of the objects on display. The continuing development of DHV is reflected in the expansion of its administrative staff as well as in the number of craftsmen and other employees. Currently the Village has ten full-time administrative staff who are supervised by the general manager.- The village also employs ten men and women skilled in traditional crafts. They perform arts and crafts at a leisurely pace on stage to illustrate the two former dominant modes of economic life: the desert Bedouin pastoralist mode and the pearl-diving/sea-trading mode. In addition, the village employs a caretaker for the animals (a few camels, donkeys and horses), a handyman 20. Barbara Kirshenblatt-Cimbletl. Destination Culture: Tourism. Museum and Heritage (Los Angeles. University of California Press, 1998), p. 18. 21. Ibid., pp. 19-20. 22. The manager of both the Heritage and Diving Villages is Abdullah Bin Dalmouk, a young national from Dubai who had some university education in the USA. He is very enthusiastic about the Village and heritage in general. Numerous awards and certificates decorate his office, given in recognition of his dedication. His administrative staff comprises an executive manager, an administrative assistant, a secretary, four tourist guides and two office assistants. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf; An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Milage for general maintenance, a traditional guard (mtarzi), two electricians, and eight cleaners. During the main tourist season, the mild weather months from October to April, around ten additional craftspeople are hired. However, an additional 70 employees are recruited during the busy Shopping Festival in March, comprising 20 additional cleaners and 50 for miscellaneous activities, such as those illustrating domestic life (cooking and baking etc.) as well as performing traditional arts and crafts. In the hot and humid months from May to early October, the village as a living museum goes into hibernation. Only two restaurants and a cafe along the Creek provide some signs of life during the evening.23 Traditional performing arts (turathi) are performed by five troupes of musicians and dancers from the Emirates and other Gulf states, such as from neighboring Oman, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. These troupes perform daily during the Shopping Festival, National Day and Eid celebrations, and also at weekend evenings during the tourist season, from four o'clock in the afternoon until eleven o'clock at night.24 The cultural themes represented in their dance and music encompass the desert Bedouin, agricultural oasis and pearl-diving communities. These 251 Mt constitute the three basic modes of production of pre-oil life in the Gulf. The fees of these performing groups vary according to the musical repertoire and the size of the troupe. The seven groups cost around US$ 10,000 each day. But it is these colorful and vibrant actors of heritage, with their poetry, songs, dances, music and glittering swords that get center stage and attract the large crowds who look with wonder and obvious festive enjoyment. Most of the dancers and musicians in these troupes are attracted to them because of their personal interest in preserving their past. They are 23.0ne restaurant has 140 tables providing dining space for more than 600 customers at a tune. With its creek view and open-air seating arrangement, it is a popular venue for dining. Also the DHV rents out space during the Shopping Festival to six temporary fast food outlets to providea vanety of light snacks for visitors, such as kebabs, falafel, burgers, chips, sambusas. popcorn, juices, soft drinks and water Even children are entertained in a mini funfair located at the Village's northern corner. 24. Sometimes 50 - 70 dancers and singers are needed to perform al harbeyya. the razfa and al'ayaala. These are traditional war dances in which performers wear distinct local folklore costumes, which add diversity to the Village stage. Seven different groups of popular folk arts {junoon slia'bcyyah) perform in differen! locations, which enhances the festive spirit. Their main musical instrument is a goatskin bagpipe (u/- liabbanl. DHV also hires around 25 professional entertainers, such as acrobats, jugglers, monocyclists, clowns, stilt walkers and magicians, who are mainly recruited from European countries for the Festival. Sulayman Khalaf quick to say, "He who has no past has no present." Most of the male performers are employed in the public sector, where they finish around two o'clock in the afternoon, thus freeing them to pursue their heritage activities whenever opportunity calls. For many of them it is a pastime and an occasional part-time job, particularly as a numbers of Emirati families hire them to celebrate traditional weddings. The Cultural Discourses of the DHV Reconstructed culture is basically a representational virtual world. The force of representational culture lies in the explicit and/or implicit meanings, messages and discourses it drives to viewers. Cultural discourses are located within numerous constructs built in the village, especially in ethnographic fragments and displays that lend credence to this invented heritage village. To delineate the various cultural discourses embodied in the displays at the DHV, I outline the activities of the month-long heritage celebration 26|nr program during the annual Dubai Shopping Festival. The cultural activities are described in the order in which they appeared. Events at Dubai Heritage Village, March 1st - 31st 2001 1. Arabian Bedouin Lifestyle Festival. This lasted the entire month. It included Egyptian, Yemeni, Libyan, Jordanian, Sudanese, Mauritanian, Algerian and UAE Bedouin activities, such as costumes, animals, food preparation, weaving and tent displays in their usual contexts. 2. Nine Bedouin weddings were performed which attracted huge crowds of locals and expatriates. 3. The First Traditional Poet's Festival, consisting of four evening sessions of poetry, each featuring three poets. Three Emirati women poets gave one of the sessions. 4. A traditional Emirati wedding attracted thousands of onlookers and was publicized in the local media. The Emirati couple was rewarded with a three-day honeymoon at the Burg Al-Arab hotel (about $1000 a day) by the Dubai Dept. of Tourism and Commerce. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village 5. An exhibition of photographs on "Reflections from the past" during the first week. 6. An exhibition and auction of rare coins during the second week. 7. Dubai Men's College displayed their degree programs and their importance to the future of the UAE for one week. 8. Portraits of former notables were exhibited in the courtyard of Shaikh Saeed's house during two weeks. 9. A seminar on the early educational missions in the UAE for one day. 10. Demonstrations of boat building for the month. 11. A seminar on the role of early merchant settlers in Dubai. 12. An exhibition of Arabian horses, one month. 13. An exhibition of traditional Arabian jewelry, one month. 14. Falconry exhibits, one month. 15. Exhibition of vintage cars, one month. 16. Art exhibition, one month. 17. Dance/music by Emirati heritage groups, one month. 18. Dance, music and song by a Yemeni group, three weeks. 19. Dance, music and song by a Saudi group, three weeks. 27 | rnt 20. Traditional souq of 28 shops which sell gifts related to Gulf heritage, one month. 21. Handicraft shows, demonstrated by about 80 people who roleplayed traditional Emirati life, one month. 22. Traditional breads and pastries. Around 20 Emirati women use small gas fires to make traditional breads and pastries, which are sold on the spot, one month. 23. Traditional food competitions, one month. 24. Police Cavalier Show, 12 horsemen in Emirati dress parade every evening with the national flag, one month. 25. Performance of traditional children's games, one month. 26. Parachuting shows, one hour before sunset, about 15 parachutists descend slowly to the village, with their parachutes in the design of the UAE flag. 27. Exhibition of miniature pearling and fishing boats, one month. 28. Giving money and gifts (eiydia) to children on the first day of Eid. 29. Pearl event, visitors buy a bag of oyster shells and watch as they are opened to see if they have pearls. Sulavman Khalaf For promotion the DHV seeks commercial sponsorship for special events. For example, it was the venue for an entry into the Guinness Book of Records for the world's largest biriyani rice dish cooked in one saucepan, which was sponsored by the local hotels. The daily newspaper commented: Biggest birivani dished out: a 7,379 strong crowd devours 1,885.4 kg jumbo concoction at Heritage Village. Delicious smells wafted across the Dubai Creek and drove crowds to distraction last night as the world's biggest biriyani was concocted and served at the Heritage Village ... The 1,885.4 kg dish, including 600kg of chicken, complete with saffron, ginger and buckets of chili was so big that it even broke its own record. The gigantic saucepan had to be winched into position by crane and took 3 hours to warm thoroughly. A team of 35 chefs, 10 25 stewards and 70 servers then worked to distribute the enormous dish. The Nostalgic Discourse 281 n> As a whole, the DHV is a monument of national nostalgia. Museums function as machines to transform time into space, as a reservoir of social memory. The DHV creates vivid representations for the Emirati visitors to capture and, in a sense, to experience their past. Thus the DHV is constructed as a living museum to invent traditions; it is a national cultural project to construct the group memory. These "traditions," whether old or new, are performed and displayed at the village according to specific annual events. As we have seen from the list of events during the festivities of Dubai Shopping Festival, the objectification of memory here activates and engages "memory" by immersing the audience in a "relived" experience. Yet Emirati heritage performances and displays are performed in a living theatre by actors who perform primarily for themselves, and secondly for tourists. The actors become living signs of themselves, involved in the construction of historical memory. This enactment is essential for modern Emiratis to imagine how their present 25. Gulf News. March 31st 2001, p. 9. 26. MasaoYamaguchi, "The Poetics of Exhibition in Japanese Culture." in Ivan Karp and Stephen Lavine, eds., Exhibiting Cultures: Tlte Poetics and Politics of Museum Display (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991). Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village political community came to be the way it is—present customs have forerunners which can be identified in the living theatre.27 Nostalgia essentializes and idealizes the past. This tendency explains why poets, heritage enthusiasts, state agents and national leaders portray their former societies as closely-knit communities with strong morality. The enactment of nostalgia as a national politico-moral discourse serves the present political community and is manifest in the many statements made by national leaders justifying present policies in terms of the past. State institutions display such statements on large framed murals in their receptions halls. For example, excerpts from "The Sayings of His Highness Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al-Nahyan, President of the State" are used to idealize and moralize the Emirati past. They see the present in the past, for example, "We are an old nation (Umma) that is rich in its heritage and spiritual values" and "A nation that has no past is a nation without present and has no future. Our nation, praise be to Allah, was rich in its glorious past, and its shining civilization which struck deep roots in this land through long periods of time." Due to the immense respect Shaikh Zayed instills among Emiratis, his statements are highly valued currency 291 i\- and inspire imagining the past from the present political relationships. This is especially true in constructing genealogies of the UAE ruling families. The nostalgic discourse critiques global modernity that is now sweeping across the Gulf region. Nostalgia represents disenchantment with aspects of contemporary Gulf society. A nostalgic condition occurs widely when societies lose their "communal relations, the emergence of associational patterns or interaction and the development of a market which maximized the naked economic tie between human beings."28 The 27. Sec Khalaf, "Gulf Societies." p. 70 for a comparative example of the construction of the "theatre of nostalgia" from Kuwait. During Kuwait's 25th National Independence Day celebration in 1985, the Ministry of Information built the Kuwait Seaman's Day (yoiim al-behaar Al-Kmoaiti) in which pre-oil sea life in the old town of Kuwait was replayed. "The make-believe reenactment of old sea economic activities (such as ship building, fishing, return from pearling, washing clothes in the sea, the little shops, the water carriers) were performed in great detail. Thousands of Kuwaitis flocked to take themselves into a journey in that museum, or stage set, of their recent past. It was evident from the reactions and comments, particularly of those of youth and young adults, that this journey into their own reconstructed past was similar to going through an old family album. One tries hard, as he gazes through the yellow pictures of the dead, to identify some impressions which may help him relate to his own present self and the world he now inhabits." 28. Bryan Tumor, Orientalism, Postmodernism and Globalism (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 121. Sulayman Khalai 30 I TAA Emirati (turathi) folklore troupe perform al ayaala traditional war dance. Wind towers and a large sail, representing Emirati cultural symbols are seen in the background Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gull: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village 31 I TAA Elderly men from the mountain region in the UAE performing as cultural actors displaying their traditional arms and attire Suiayman Khalaf nostalgic discourse becomes, in a sociological sense, an expression of humans alienated from their folk communities which they recollect in romanticized ways, as the time of close proximity of friends and relatives, and the place of social warmth and cultural intimacy. Nostalgia is also a critique of the globalized society in general. The oil- rich Gulf societies have become culturally pluralistic, highly motorized, and more secularized. This pluralization and commercialization tend to fragment worldview, values and practices into more compartmentalized lives in a much larger society. The nostalgic discourse is quite evident in contemporary Gulf literary production. This is not surprising as literature is universally regarded as the mirror of life. The alienating aspects of the Gulf modem city are depicted vividly in Abdul Rahman Munif's five-volume novel, Cities of Salt. In his description of Harran, which is supposed to represent the new oil-driven Gulf city, he laments that the old town has lost its soul, its quality as a neighborhood and a homogenous community. Once upon a time Harran was a town of fishermen and returning travelers. But now the town belongs to no one. Its people have no common features, they are from all races. They have come from everywhere ...Languages live next to languages, colors live next to colors, and religions next to religions. Wealth in it and beneath it is different from all types of wealth. Harran does not resemble any other city. It does not resemble itself.29 The Educational Discourse A primary rationale for heritage revival projects in the UAE is to educate the young nationals about the cultural lifeways of their forefathers. The awareness of how their ancestors struggled to survive in a harsh land and how they accepted and defended their homeland (al-watan) should inspire the young Emiratis to greater coinrnitment to defend and promote their home and nation abroad. The expression of this politicized dimension of the DHV educational discourse is often implicit. However, in certain signs, inscriptions and other nonverbal representations political messages appear explicitly. Such political language is characteristic of emerging 29. Abdul Rahman Munif. Muden al-MiOi (Cities of Salt! (BaghdadiAl-Maktaba Al-Alamiyya, 1986), p. 182. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village nation-states and tends to be prevalent and infiltrate other cultural repre- sentations. DHV utilizes both the in-situ and in-context approaches of museum instillation and display to enhance its ability to engage and educate visitors about the Emirati heritage and its history at large. The role-playing of cultural activities displayed by scores of actors, artisans, craftsmen, dancers and musicians not only educate viewers but also generate evocative imaginings of the past. Display descriptions in both English and Arabic guide the viewer to understand and contextualise cultural fragments, photos and reconstructed replicas within Emirati historical socio-economic and political contexts. Displays are used extensively in the village's two museums: Shaikh Saeed Al-Maktoum House (fully restored in 1986 and opened as a Heritage Museum in 1996) and the Village's small archeological museum. The village nowadays receives increasing numbers of nationals, expatriates and foreign tourists, as well as school and university students. During the mild winter season two or three bus loads of school children arrive every week. As he walks, looks, hears, reads and smells his way through the constructed Emirati culture, the visitor will learn about the Bedu (Bedouin) desert mode 33 I TA-1 of life, the pearling and sea-trading lifeways, and the life of the mountain people, such as the Shahooh tribes in Ras Al- Khaimah. He will also see items from the rich archeological past of Dubai and be given a historical synopsis of the Al Maktoums, Dubai's ruling family.30 The organizers, under a poster saying "Win a pearl," have piled on a large table small plastic bags containing oyster shells, to be bought by visitors and cut open on the spot. Large numbers of visitors have actually won pearls during the month-long festivity, prompting the Gulf News to write, "It is raining pearls at the Diving Village. Lady Luck has smiled on 1125 visitors who have won pearls at the Diving Village in Shindagha."31 30. As an illustration, the following is a description in the pearling life exhibit: "During a hard diving voyage that usually takes four months, divers dive deep in the Gulf to collect oyster shells. After collection they open them with a sharp knife to bring out the pearls inside. The pearls have various colours, shapes, types and value; they were sold to the pearl merchants (tawwashl. The pearls were behind the wealth of the coastal people, supporting their economic life, and helped them to develop a relatively high standard of living." 31. Gulf News. March 30th 2001, p. 8. Sulavman Khalal A walk through the reconstructed old Dubai (Fereej al-Hadher) provides information on medicinal herbs and the folk healers who employed the traditional Arab methods of al-hujamah and al-kai (al-wasem). The visitor can talk to those old practitioners and see how they used to treat patients. In another section are miniature houses of palm leaves and barasti (al- areesh), complete with women in traditional costume who make various breads and sweets. Veiled women will also be seen involved in traditional arts and crafts, with traditional food and coffee piled in front of them to encourage visitors to sample and enjoy. The visitor is informed through watching the role-play of locals reenacting their culture, through his participation and conversation with actors, and through reading special descriptions around the village. The visitor to the Village's small archeological museum is given a brief general statement on a poster, written in Arabic and English, telling him about Dubai's five thousand years of history. It heralds the past as a precursor to Dubai's entrepreneurial present, with trade connections to far away places. Dubai - Five thousand years ago the Emirate of Dubai witnessed the emergence of civilization. The archaeological excavations and field surveys at several archeological sites such as Al-Sufouh, Al-Qusais, and Jumaira have all led to the uncovering of very important landmarks of civilization. These proved that the Emirate of Dubai (presently one of the most active markets in the world) participated since pre-historic times in establishing human civilization in the Gulf, and proved that the old inhabitants of Dubai were not isolated from other centers of civilization. Dubai achieved good progress in the fields of arts, construction, agriculture, and industry. It had trade and intellectual relations with Mesopotamia, Iran, Bahrain, Baluchestan and the Indus Valley. Undoubtedly further excavations will provide more historical information about this land and its inhabitants. 32. Al wasem is cautery, while al hujama. as described in the Village, is a treatment that transfers congested blood from the lungs to the chest wall by using bull horns open from both sides. The wider side of the horn is placed on the area of pain, and the air is sucked out. This process is repeated frequently until blood is collected away from the area of pain Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village The Political Discourse DHV is an important arena upon which Emirati historico-political culture is produced and reproduced throughout the year. With its language, theatre and rituals, political culture is celebrated with great intensity during important days, such as the National Day. Since nations are basically cultural products and "nationalism is a cultural process of collective identity formation,"3, then living museums become agencies that contribute to the making of nationhood through a collective political identity. The construction of DHV supports raison d'etat and the formation of Emirati identity. We have noted in our previous description how the political discourse diffuses the nostalgic and educational discourses in visible and disguised ways, and how they make present-day Emirati national political culture. The al-ittihad (union) of the seven Emirates in 1971 is the most significant event in the creation of the UAE. A nation, however, reflects shared culture. In spite of its recency, this event has been reinvented as a heritage tradition. Now as a museum "exhibitionary complex," the DHV 35 I TAt reproduces national culture linked to this important event. Throughout the two-day public holiday the village becomes transformed into a vibrant and colorful ritual space, in which nationals celebrate their citizenship into a political community. As a living museum/theatre, DHV provides an appropriate context in which Emiratis can practice collective national imagining. It has become the most popular theater in which significant culturo-political icons, symbols and language are elaborated on continuously and charged with new political vocabularies J When in 1996 the Village was first built, in a rather moClesl furnTand hasty fashion, the heritage agents represented then by the Dubai Heritage Revival Society raised an old fort-like gate, on which could be found the village heritage logo, with a collection of the nation's cultural and political symbols: palm trees, swords, the flag, a pearling dhow, waves, a camel, falcon, book and coffee pot. Beneath were two lines of poetry in Arabic, with an English translation: 33. Foster, "Making National Cultures." p. 235. Sulavman Khalat Popular Heritage Revival welcomes you "Dignity is our slogan Solidarity in land and in sea is our pledge It testifies our wisdom And the light of knowledge." On the occasion of the 27*^ National Day celebrations in 1998, a huge fabric mural (measuring 18x16 meters) was raised in the central square of the DHV, along with an enlarged old photograph of the seven rulers of the Emirates who had signed the Union Document on 2nc* December 1971. Songs and poems in praise of the union and the national leaders (shaikhs) are frequently broadcast through loud amplifiers. The lyrics of the following song, entitled 'My Emirates" commemorate the occasion well. You are the pearl; seven hands have raised you high, You are the love melody That we cherish in the heart You are the song of our Gulf You are our homeland You are a bright light across darkness You are a shining sun on all God's people Long live those who developed you And strengthened your foundations' pillars Long live Zayed and the Shaikhs Upon whom we depend. They have become one hand Instead of once they were seven They are our pride They are the pillars of the Union. Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: An Anthropological Look at Dubai Heritage Village In addition to celebrating the birth of the nation, the political discourse found in DHV as well as in other heritage institutions enhances the image of the ruling families of the UAE. This discourse usually takes a poetic form, which is the traditional expressive style of Arabia. Each year scores of poems are written glorifying national leadership, particularly Shaikh Zayed, the founding President of the country. The short poem that follows is selected from scores of poems that were recited this year in DHV in honor of Shaikh Zayed. It was sung on stage by a group of school children. It has references to the safe return of the President from a medical treatment he had in the States at the end of the year 2000. O Zayed the faithful O knight of the Arabs May God protect Zayed O God give him long life Our father is the best father Zayed made the desert flowers bloom 37 I Zayed the protector of the environment O God give him long life O God protect Zayed. The poems and other cultural aesthetics produced in the DHV portray the national leaders as performing two important roles for the UAE as a changing political community: as modernizing agents with wise vision, as well as the guardians of traditional heritage and the national identity. This second role reflects the state's generous support of heritage villages, the building of national museums, as well as inventing tradition. Some collective rituals and spectacles are best represented in camel racing and dhow racing. State power produces, appropriates, inscribes and re-inscribes heritage knowledge and controls its modes of communications.3,1 The state's M. Michel Foucault. Power/Knowledge: Selected Intenncws and other Writings 1972- 1977 (New York. Pantheon Books, 1980) pp. 78-108. Sulayman Khaiaf extensive support for developing and propagating popular folk culture represents an aspect of what Davis calls "statecraft," which refers to those "processes or mechanisms whereby a state enhances its power and authority... and promotes state formation. The notion of statecraft allows us to infuse the concept of state formation with a dynamic element."35 According to Davis, "A strong state is one that exercises this craft and that continues to forge emotive links with the populace over which it rules."36 Concluding Remarks: As stated earlier, the heritage revival in the Emirates is not a negation of globalization, but rather it affirms the rapid development of international business and tourism within the Emirates. The DHV was initially envisaged to serve nostalgia and as a museum of national history. Yet the DHV reinvented itself according to what Tony Bennett terms, an "exhibitionary complex" (museum + festival + sale).37 The Village now attracts and engages not only nationals but also large crowds of visitors 38 I tm who come from the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural cosmopolitan city of Dubai. The Village increasingly focuses on the festivity (al janib al ihtifaali) of the annual national events, to entertain foreign and Emirati visitors and people of all ages. The DHV, however, belongs to new alternative forms of life and thought emerging in many societies throughout the world, which instigates museums/displays interdigitated with media, tourism, leisure, and spectacle. At the same time, these forms of display represent self- conscious national reinventions of heritage. Equally significant, these alternative forms of manufacturing and exhibiting cultures are now tied 35. Eric Davis and Nicholas Gavrielides (eds.) Statecraft in tlie Middle East: Oil. Historical Memory and Popular Culture (Miami: Florida International University Press. 1991), p. 12. The Crown Prince of Dubai, Shaikh Mohammad bin Rashid al-Maktoum visited the Heritage Village several times during the Shopping Festival of 2002. The ruler is keenly interested in developing heritage within invented state-supported exhibitionary complexes such as the DHV. 36. Ibid., p. 13. 37. Cited in Arjun Appadurai and C. Breckenridge, "Museums Are Good to Think: Heritage on View in India," in L Karp, C. Kreamer and S. Lavine, eds.. Museums and Communities: The Politics of Public Culture (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1992), p. 37. I Globalization and Heritage Revival in the Gulf: •\n Anthropological Lt>ok at Dubai Heritage Village up with transnational ideologies of development, state formation, citizenship, and most importantly, tourism and cosmopolitanism. The product of the DHV is newly framed with revived heritage images and scripts, as a process of manufacturing culture, spectacle and spectatorship. There are many parallel manifestations elsewhere in the world of cultural/historical theme parks. I have observed the sites of Colonial Williamsburg, the Jamestown Settlement and Yorktown in Virginia, the Plimoth Plantation in Massachusetts, Disneyland in Florida and California, Sovereign Hill in Australia, the Pharonic Village outside Cairo, Egypt, and numerous sites in Thailand. Comparatively speaking, the above sites share so many features that they collectively represent an emerging cultural phenomenon generated by global/local dynamics. The governmental decision to place the Village administratively in the Department of Tourism, Commerce and Marketing is significant in redirecting and recontextualizing its role. The DTCM promotes Dubai as a world city of global trade, business, services and finance. The Village, accordingly, shifted focus to combine ritualized performance and display with commerce to appeal to larger numbers of visitors. The motivating 391 ta. idea is to promote Dubai as "the Arab World's shopping paradise." DHV has quickly developed from a modest exhibit of archeological and etiological relics and silent replicas of traditional life, into a living museum where display, retailing and festivity fuse into a spectacle for all the senses. The DHV gains greater popularity each year, with tourists and particularly with the nationals. Reproduced culture in the Village constantly flows through the interfaces between commerce, pageantry, spectacle and display. In Dubai, shopping and tourism also target the shopping malls that display the latest consumer merchandise. Global commerce penetrates local cultural motifs, tastes, ethnic folklore themes and exhibitionary festivals to create new market images. Such unique imagery enhances their ability to expand market opportunities. Similarly, purveyors of local cultures position themselves to utilize the new globalism to revive and reconstruct themselves. In this commercial global-local dialectic, indigenous cultural 38. Erve Chambers (ed.). Tourism and Culture: An Applied Perspective (New York: State University of New York Press. 1997). Sulayman Khalal authenticity loses certain elements and aspects in the sense that the displays become, in Robertson's words, more "glocalised production."39 The term glocalism helps us "to transcend the tendency to cast the idea of globalization as inevitably in tension with the idea of localization.'"10 Moreover, the hybrid concept "glocalization" can be used strategically, as in the case of DHV, to attract global visitors and promote local commerce and marketing. The reproduction of locality incorporates global agents, elements and modes of heritage representation. As such the DTMC, overseeing DHV, does not share fully the recent views often expressed by Emirati intelligentsia about the serious social and cultural threats for the Gulf. Dubai's business elite and its rulers see global flows presenting greater commercial opportunities. Once I was greeted at the main gates of the Village by a dozen school children who sang loudly in Arabic and English, "Welcome, welcome, welcome to our visitors to Dubai. Our slogan is "One World, One Family." Khawla (school) welcomes you into the embracing arms of Dubai." This is the same Dubai Shopping Festival slogan of "One World, One Family." 401 tv^ its use in DrTV shows the appropriation of the global world by the local for its own interests. This message is celebrated as "the global cultural melange."41 On the Village stage, various children enact through music and dance the wedding rituals of their respective countries. At the end, the groups appear together on the stage, singing in an operetta fashion, as one happy human family. As such, the Village does not view its role/identity in an essentialist manner, to guard authentic Emirati national culture. It indicates that "the other" is welcomed and celebrated on these sacred grounds of national heritage. The Village signifies acceptance and tolerance of global diversity, and not global cultural homogenization ■ 99, Ronald Robertson, "Glocalization: Time-Space and Homogeneity-Heterogeneity," in M. Featherstone, S. Lash and R. Robertson, eds.. Global Modernities (London: Sage, 1995), p. 25. 40. Ibid, p. 40. 41. Pieterse, "Globalization", p. 53. References 1. Abu-Lughod, J. (1983). "Urbanization and Social Change in the Arab World," Ekistics, 50 (300), pp. 223-232. 2. Al-Mansour, M. (1996). "Population and Urbanization in the United Arab Emirates" in Emirates Society (Al-Ain, UAE: UAE University Publications), (in Arabic). 3. Al-Mur, Mohammad (1999). National Aspirations. (Sharjah, UAE: Dar Al Khaleej Publications), (in Arabic) 4. Al-Mutawa', Mohammad (1997). "The Image of Immigrants Through the Emirates' Press," Journal of the Social Sciences (Kuwait), 25 (3), pp. 127-142. (in Arabic). 5. Anderson, Benedict (1991). Imagined Communities (London: Verso). 6. Appadurai, Arjun (1998). Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press). 7. Appadurai, Arjun and C. Breckenridge (1992). "Museums Are Good to Think: Heritage on View in India," in I. Karp, C. Kreamer and S. La vine, eds., Museums and Communities: Tlie Politics of Public Culture (Washington: Smithsonian Institution). 8. Bullock, John (1984). Hie Gulf: A Portrait of Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and the UAE (London: Century Publishing). 9. Chambers, Erve (ed.) (1997). Tourism and Culture: An Applied Perspective (New York: State University of New York Press). 10. Davis, Eric and Nicholas Gavrielides (eds.) (1991). Statecraft in tlie Middle East: Oil, Historical Memory and Popular Culture (Miami: Florida International University Press). 11. Foster, Robert (1991). "Making National Cultures in the Global Ecumene," Annual Reviews of Anthropology, 20, pp. 235 -260. 12. Foucault, Michel (1980). Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77) (New York: Pantheon Books). 13. Harvey, David (1989). Tlie Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell) Sulavman Khalaf 14. Heard-Bey, Frauka (1997) "Labour Migration and Culture: The Impact of Immigration on the Culture of the Arab Societies of the Gulf," paper presented at BRISMES Conference, Oxford. 15. Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger (eds.) (1997) The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). 16. Juma'a, Mater (2001). "Will the Latest Decisions Help in Solving the Population Composition?" Ai Kiialeej, 18 June. 17. Khalaf, Sulayman (1992). "Gulf Societies and the Image of Unlimited Good," Dialectical Anthropology, 17 (1), pp. 225-243. 18. Khalaf, Sulayman (2000). "Poetics and Politics of Newly Invented traditions in the Gulf: Camel Racing in the United Arab Emirates," Ethnology 39 (3), pp. 243-261. 19. Khalaf, Sulayman and Saad Alkobaisi (1999). "Migrants Strategies of Coping and Patterns of Accommodation in the Oil-rich Gulf Societies: Evidence from the UAE," British journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 26 (2), pp. 271-298. 20. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara (1998). Destination Culture: Tourism, Museum 4-21 TVV and Heritage (Los Angeles: University of California Press). 21. Munif, Abdul Rahman (1986) Muden al-Milh (Cities of Salt) (Baghdad:Al- Maktaba Al-Alamiyya). 22. Pieterse, Jan N. (1995). "Globalization as Hybridization," in M. Featherstone, S. Lash and R. Robertson, eds., Global Modernities (London: Sage). 23. Robertson, Ronald (1990). "Mapping the Global Condition: Globalization as the Central Concept," in M. Featherstone, ed., Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity (London: Sage). 24. Robertson, Ronald (1995). "Glocalization: Time-Space and Homogeneity- Heterogeneity," in M. Featherstone, S. Lash and R. Robertson, eds.. Global Modernities (London: Sage). 25. Turner, Bryan (1994). Orientalism, Postmodernism and Globalism (London: Routledge). 26. Yamaguchi, Masao (1991). "The Poetics of Exhibition in Japanese Culture," in Ivan Karp and Stephen Lavine, eds., Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press).